THE BANTU OF KAVIRONDO 227
5or waging war. But beyond this immediate motive the taking of life served other purposes, which become apparent when the whole organization of warfare and the groups that waged war with one another are subjected to a closer analysis. Although between most tribal groups in Kavirondo—especially those who lived in a permanent state of hostilities—an uninhabited zone of a few miles' width was maintained, the tribal territory did not remain static, but either expanded or contracted as the result of extended periods of warfare. Among the Logoli the conquest of new land for culti- vation is expressly stated to have been one of the chief motives for warfare. It does not, however, become apparent as an immediate motive, as a war expedition was never terminated by the annexa- tion of a given area by the victorious side and a readjustment of the boundary line confirmed by the vanquished or any similar pro- cedure. This would have required a much firmer military organi- zation than existed and an organized protection of the borders, for which the political structure of the tribal groups was much too loose. The immediate result of a raid was rather to weaken and intimidate the neighbouring tribe and to induce its members gradually to retreat, so that the uninhabited zone would widen and the grazing of stock and the cultivation of gardens could safely be carried on in what was formerly no-man's-land. The territory thus gained by a very gradual process came under the control of the clan whose warriors had driven the enemy tribe into retreat and was shared out among them.
Whether such a conquest of territory involved a real expansion of the tribal area or whether the gaining of land on one side was always accompanied by a loss on the other side is very difficult to decide. As far as traditions go, it appears that changes in the territory held by the various tribes were due partly to a general tendency of an eastward migration caused by a pressure of the Nilotic and Teso-speaking groups, the ultimate reason of which would have to be traced back to the upper Nile Valley, and partly to a real need for expansion. This need, again, arose from a variety ofcauses. Ofthesethemostimportantseemtohavebeen(a)a natural increase in population which, in view of the fecundity of the Bantu people, must at times have been considerable even in pre-European days; {b) an increase in the wealth of cattle, either
by natural increase or by conquest, requiring larger grazing areas and {c) the deterioration of the soil, owing to various forms of
228 AFRICAN POLITICAL SYSTEMS
erosion caused by shifting cultivation and excessive burning of bush for grazing purposes. Expansion, based on these causes, cannot, however, have been continuous. The first two of these causes were checked by epidemics and by adverse luck in war. The third was limited by the checks on the increase in population and live stock and also by the fact that, under traditional conditions at least, the deterioration of the soil was not permanent but temporary, so that periods of expansion were followed by periods ofretreattolandsformerlycultivated. Thesystemoflandtenure indicates that neither the tribal group nor the clans attached value to the possession of land apart from those stretches actually used or reserved for cultivation and grazing.
The fact that the two ultimate motives in warfare were the raid- ing of cattle and the conquest of territory has a definite bearing upon the conduct of warfare, as it involves conflicting aims. While it lies in the interest of expansion to carry on aggression in a ruthless manner which drives the enemy away as far as possible, the aim of raiding cattle clearly requires the presence of enemy groups in the neighbourhood. Owing to the necessity of balancing these two aims, warfare tended to be conducted with certain restrictions, above all with provisions for terminating a period of hostilities and with generally observed rules regarding the treat- mentofslainwarriorsandofwomenandchildren. Such'rulesof warfare' were more pronounced in the conduct of hostilities
between the various Bantu groups than between Bantu and non- Bantu. In the latter case, the mutual destruction of the hostile groups was the prominent aim, while in the encounters between groups of Bantu stock the hostile groups conceded their mutual rights of existence and maintained a type of relationship with one another in which warfare functioned chiefly as a regulating and balancing force, making for an approximately even distribution of power and wealth between the tribes.
Secondary motives of warfare, the relative importance of which differed in the diff"erent areas, were the taking of captives and the raiding of crops. The first was limited mainly to the taking of small boys and girls between the ages of six and ten years, who were adopted and brought up in the family of the warrior who had captured them. As, under traditional conditions, children were of economic value to the family, the adoption of war captives meant a welcome addition to the family and the clan.
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229
The raiding of crops was customary only in the densely populated areas and among predominantly agricultural tribes, such as the Logoli and Nyole, while the more pastoral Vugusu ridicule it as below the dignity of warriors.
It becomes apparent, therefore, that there was no need for a tribal military organization, but that each clan or a group of neighbouring clans would conduct their war expeditions, as well as their defence against attacks, on their own account. Actually, both for the Logoli and the Vugusu, there are no records of any 'wars' on a tribal scale, but only of fighting and raiding expeditions undertaken by the different clans. Since, of course, only the larger clans could venture to undertake raids and provoke an open fight, as only they possessed a suflBcient number of warriors, the smaller clans either had to stay behind or to associate them- selves permanently or temporarily with a larger clan for co- operationinraiding. Warriorsofothersmallclansaccompanied on their own initiative groups of warriors of larger clans, par- ticularly those with whom they were related in the maternal line or by marriage or whose circumcision age-mates they were. Where hostile tribes lived on all sides of the tribal territory, as was the case both with the Logoli and the Vugusu, the clans living nearest those sections of the border which were most suitable for raids and attacks acquired leadership in warfare. Thus among the Logoli the clan of the Mavi which fought against their western neighbours, the Nyole and Luo, and the clans of the
Yonga and Tembuli, which fought against the Nandi and Tiriki in the east, appear to have been the clans which were foremost in takingtheinitiativeinfighting. Tillto-daytheyboastofmore famous warriors than the smaller clans.
Such leadership of certain clans in warfare did not, however, necessarily entail any political domination over the smaller clans. There was no 'calling up' of warriors, but participation in a raid was voluntary and the spoils of war were divided among all warriors according to the degree of their participation in the raid. The initiative to embark upon a raid came either from the young men or from the elders who, sitting on the oluhta, incited the young men to go out and capture cattle, 'as they had not seen meat for a long time' ; or it arose from an incident, such as the murder of a tribesman by members of another tribe with whom peace had been concluded. If the raid was likely to prove difficult and to require
230 AFRICAN POLITICAL SYSTEMS
a large number of warriors, messengers were sent round to the villages or homesteads of other clans to invite them to come to a given place where the further procedure was discussed and a leader {omwemilili) was chosen, whose duty it was to direct the movements of the warriors and to co-ordinate the action of the different sec- tions. All raids were one-day affairs or, if the attack was under- taken at night, as in the case of the Vugusu raids upon the Teso, of a day and a night.
Apart from seasonal periods of truce, which, by tacit agreement between all parties concerned, were observed during the times of hoeing and clearing the fields, a more lasting peace was concluded by the performance of complex peace ceremonies. The main rite had the significance of an oath, and is supposed to cause death and other misfortune to the party which first breaks the peace. The conclusion of peace never involved 'peace terms' in the sense that one party would pledge to pay tribute or surrender cattle pre- viously raided, or even territory. Peace agreements are said to have been made by the Logoli with the Nyole, Tiriki, and Luo, and by the Vugusu with the El Kony, Nyala (Kabras), and Kaka- lelwa, but never with their chief enemies, the Masai and Teso.
V. The Nature of Political Authority
Although, as has been stated at the beginning of this chapter, there were no individuals or bodies which wielded clearly defined political authority entailing explicit rights and duties, the preced- ing discussion of the various aspects of political organization has indicated a number of ways in which individuals could gain promi- nence over their tribesmen or clansmen and find recognition as leaders by certain groups within the tribal unit and with regard to certain activities. We shall now review these different ways of acquiring prominence and then try to define the nature of political leadership as it existed among the Logoli and Vugusu.
{a) The Privileges of Primogeniture. As primogeniture carries with it a number of privileges, there is a tendency in every family for the oldest son to be recognized as the person next in importance to the father. His authority is based on three factors mainly: the first is that he is in a privileged position to acquire wealth in cattle. Althoughultimatelyallsonsareentitledtoanevensharein the father's legacy, the oldest son has a preferential claim to make use of family property, a fact which gives him a much quicker
THE BANTU OF KAVIRONDO
231 'start' in life than is offered to the other sons. He is the first to be given cattle to marry and, if the father is poor in cattle, the second son may have to wait for many years until the father's herd has been replenished before he can take a wife. The oldest son also has the first claim to the father's land, to the inheritance of his junior wives,andtothemanagementofthefamilycattle. Theyounger sons have to wait till the cattle taken over by the oldest son have increased sufficiently to permit of an equal division, and it is usually only in long-drawn-out instalments that they can obtain theirshareinthefather'slegacy. Itwillbeseenthattheprivileged economic position of the oldest son tends to have a cumulative
—
effect up to a point as one generation succeeds the other. As
a consequence of this tendency, the line of first-born sons often becomes the wealthiest in the lineage.
The second factor is that, through his management of the father's legacy in land and cattle, the oldest son exercises authority over his younger brothers, who depend upon his friendship and goodwill for the realization of their share in the father's property that is ultimately due to them.
A third factor is that family tradition and the knowledge of law and custom and, in particular, of outstanding claims to property are always passed on from the father to the oldest son, so that in the lineage group the senior line becomes the chief guardian of tradition and its members the performers of rites and sacrifices for the while lineage or even the sub-clan.
The stress on primogeniture, however, is not so marked that in each clan there is necessarily one leading family, viz. the descen- dants in senior line of the founder of the clan, although such familiesarefoundinanumberofclans. Inmostclansthereare several elders who trace their descent in senior line back for eight to ten generations, but they are not able to link up their genealogy withthenameofthefounderoftheclan. Theprivilegesofprimo- geniture thus constitute one factor that makes for economic and ritual differentiation within the clan and thus for leadership.
{b) Wealth. The wealthy person, whether he has accumulated his possessions through inheritance or through personal effort, has means of gaining prestige and influence both within and outside his clan. In the first place, by his ability to offer everyday hospi- tality in the form of beer, his homestead becomes the gathering- place of the elders of the neighbourhood. In addition, he gains a
—
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more definite influence over particular individuals in his clan by lending them a goat or sheep for a sacrifice, a heifer for their mar- riage cattle, or basketfuls of grain if they run short of food. The person who often receives such support thereby assumes the obli- gation to praise his creditor, to oblige him by small services, or, if he cannot return the loan, to render more substantial help by herding his benefactor's cattle, clearing his gardens, and keeping hishutsinrepair. Thetraditionaltypeof'retainer'orservantwho is found in some wealthy homesteads usually has come into that position as a war captive, as a widower without children, or as a debtor who could not return his debt.
Moreover, by giving feasts on a clan scale, especially by killing the *ox of splitting', a wealthy person has a means of gaining popu- larity among all his clansmen. Through his right of directing the distribution of meat, he can favour those who respect and honour him and who, at the discussion of clan matters, submit to his views. Finally, as elders of other clans are invited to these feasts, the wealthy persons also become, in a sense, the representatives of theirclan. Wheneldersofotherclanskillthe*oxofsplitting'they are invited in turn, or gifts of meat or beer are sent to them, which they apportion to their own clansmen. They have thus an oppor- tunity of gaining influence among their clansmen even when they
are the recipients and not the givers of feasts.
(c) The Quality of being an Omugasa. Among the Vugusu, the
leading elders of a clan are called avagasa, i.e. men who talk gently and wisely and who can make the people listen and return to reason when they want to quarrel or fight. The possession of these qualities is usually quoted as the most important condition of leadership. Asonwhoasaherdboybeginstoshowreasonandthe capacity of making his age-mates follow him in the various activities in which herdboys indulge is pointed out by the elders as a future omugasa, and they welcome his presence when he sits near them and listens to their stories of long ago. When he has become an old man he acts as an omuseni, i.e. he is called to the people to speak to them and comfort them when they assemble after a funeral to distribute the property of the deceased, to
decide who should inherit the widows and to settle outstanding claimsanddebts. Thedeathofeachclansmanisacriticalmoment for the preservation of peace within and between the clans, as it invariably leads to accusations of witchcraft or sorcery as being the
THE BANTU OF KAVIRONDO
233
cause of the death that has occurred. It is then the duty of the omuseni to curtail all such accusations by pointing out that all people are born into this world to die and that people should not harbour grievances and accuse one another of sorcery, as such an attitude would merely increase the sorrow that had befallen them. The omuseni usually winds up his speech with a review of the great deeds of the clan and with exhortations to live up to that tradition and to forget petty quarrels for the sake of peace.
Similarly, the omugasa is expected to talk for unity when legal disputesarediscussedbeforetheeldersoftheoluhia. Whenhomi- cide or murder has occurred and the kinsmen of both parties insult one another and show impatience to fight, he persuades them to give and accept compensation. The degree to which he succeeds in such efforts determines his recognition as a leader.
{d) Reputation as a Warrior. A further quality that in the past made for leadership was the reputation gained as a warrior. Success in warfare served as a means of gaining wealth, but it also brought prestige in itself. Both among the Vugusu and the Logoli the names of clan heads of the past that are remembered are associated with accounts of their deeds as warriors, their success being measured in terms of the number of enemies they have killed and the head of cattle raided by them or under their leadership. Whether the choice of a successful warrior as a leader in raiding expeditions was linked with a belief in his possession of superior magical powers is to-day difficult to determine ; he is said by the old men to have been chosen for his courage and his ability of inducing the others to follow him in an attack. Since, as has been said above, war expeditions were frequently undertaken jointly by several clans, leadership in fighting, more than that acquired in other ways, tended to be recognized by several clans and thus to establish a superiority of one clan over others.
{e) The Possession of Magico-Religious Virtues. Although the persons most commonly called to offer private sacrifices to the ancestors are the members of the senior line of a lineage, this duty can also be performed by any classificatory father or elder brother, if his qualities of character are such that he is considered a suit- able person. He must be known for his kindness and honesty; hemustbepasttheageofsexualdesire; andhemustbesomeone 'who can feed the people' ; in short he must be a person without
embala, i.e. without any failures and blemishes in the record of
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his past and present life, if his sacrifice is to be favourably accepted bythespirits. Thatelderintheclanwhopossessesthesequalities to the highest degree is recognized as the omusalisi munene ('the great sacrificer') who is called to perform private sacrifices of great importance and, among the Logoli, also the ovwali, the public sacrifice to the tribal ancestor and deity. His office is not hereditary, but dependent upon personal qualities.
Among the various 'experts', the dream-prophet and the rain- maker appear to have wielded political power of a kind, as, through the practising of their arts, they could influence the activities, not only of single individuals, but of larger groups of people. The dream-prophet, as has been stated, was consulted on the probable outcome of war expeditions, on the advisability of migrations, the probability of epidemics, and on similar matters of wider concern, while the rain-maker, through his alleged ability of withholding rain and of directing the rainfall, not only in general, but in respect of particular gardens, had the power of an executive organ in the administration of justice. These two experts, however, form categories of their own. Their knowledge is by virtue of inherited secret medicines and spells, and they wield it independently of their clan—and, in the case of the rain-maker, even of their tribal affiliations. Their special knowledge, therefore, does not appear to have lent them authority beyond that implied in their specific
practices.
(/) -^S^' O^^ ^§^' firi^lly* was the most general condition of
political leadership and was socially marked through the institu- tionofcircumcisionage-grades. Therecognitionofprimogeniture for the regulation of inheritance and succession lends seniority a superior status in all kinship relations. Generally speaking, it is always the oldest member of a group of kinsmen whose opinion carries the greatest weight on matters concerning that group. Adult sons show more obedience and respect to their father's oldest brother than to the father himself, and after their father's death his authority is not immediately transmitted to the oldest
son, but first to the next oldest brother who is still alive.
The authority implied in old age is further strengthened by notions connected with the ancestor cult. One of these is that old age is regarded as a necessary condition of performing sacrifices, as it requires a mind that is free from sexual desire and that possesses other qualities characteristic of old age, such as wisdom,
THE BANTU OF KAVIRONDO
235
gentleness, and freedom from greed and jealousy. The other notion is that spirits remember the treatment received while they were still living persons and that they spare or trouble their living relatives according to the treatment received. Old men, therefore, are more than others feared as potentially troublesome spirits, a fact which considerably adds to their authority. Their power of uttering a curse, and especially a dying curse, is an all-powerful sanction at their disposal.
This review of the different ways of gaining prominence in the clan and tribe shows them to be of such a nature that they are not mutually exclusive. The more qualities of leadership came together in one person, the higher was his authority and the widerthegroupthatrecognizedit. Whileprimarilybasedonthe organization of the patrilineal kin-group, leadership could, as we have seen, extend to embrace the clan and even a number of clans through the channels of wealth, warfare, and sacrifice. If there were several people in the clan who possessed the different qualifications of leadership, it was divided between them, but such a division does not appear to have led to an institutionalized distinction between different types of leaders, such as war-leaders,
judges,andpriests. Providedthathepossessedtheothernecessary qualities, the war-leader, as he became old, was recognized as an arbiter in legal disputes and called as a performer of sacrifices, as he had increased the power of the clan and pleased the ancestors. There was a division of authority only in the sense that the leader- ship of the old men in matters of jurisdiction and sacrifice was paralleled by the leadership of the active warriors in the conduct of fighting.
Politicalauthoritythusremainedinarticulate. Itwasnotlinked up with clearly defined rights and privileges, such as are usually associated with institutionalized chieftainship. The leading elders of a clan or sub-clan were merely those persons whose opinion carried most weight when public matters were discussed on the oluhiaandwhowerecalledtoperformsacrifices. Theyhadno rights that were inherent in their office, such as to collect tribute, to enact laws, to call up warriors for a raid, or to grant or refuse residence of strangers on clan lands. There is no generally accepted term for a clan or tribal head, but a leading elder is referred to by a variety of terms which can also be used with
